Category Archives: The Nation (TH)

Vietnamese Presence in Cambodia

KimGooi Photojournalist

Vietnamese Presence in Cambodia
Story and Photo Published in: The Nation Review Bangkok October 1990; Joint Publications Research Service (JPRS) October 1990

Author’s note:
By August 1990 I had visited wartime Cambodia twice. The first time a year earlier with BBC Gerry Troyna doing Frontier Run featuring John Swain. Asean had no diplomatic ties with Cambodia, and worse still because of its anti communist stance, Malaysian passport is printed with ‘not valid for travel to Vietnam’ among other communist countries. Vietnam was the only gateway to Cambodia at that time. Fortunately the Vietnamese Embassy in Bangkok issued the visa on a separate paper clipped on to my passport. In August 1990, New Straits Times associate editor Zainon Ahmad came to Bangkok and asked for help to get to Cambodia. This article was filed for the Nation Review, Bangkok, after that the visit with Zainon.

“Vietnamese soldiers are still in Cambodia,who said they are gone?” sneered Sophiep. A former soldier of the Lon Noi army, Sophiep is now a withered old man who works as a laborer in Phnom Penh.

When he speaks of the Vietnamese and the Thais, both major powers who had fought repeatedly over Cambodia in the past centuries, there is anger and bitterness in his eyes. Without hesitation he said: “I will show you where they are.”

Six kilometers from the town center, in the vicinity of Chamkamon Palace more that a thousand Vietnamese soldiers whom our friend said are Vietnamese troops were jogging on the road at six o’clock in the morning. Dressed in shorts and T-shirts and wearing army shoes, they jogged in unison in groups of a hundred each.

The Vietnamization of Cambodia which Prince Norodom Sihanouk and the resistance often complain about takes many forms. “We employ many Vietnamese technicians and engineers to help us. They are cheaper than Russians or East Europeans. For one Russian engineer we can employ four Vietnamese,” said Chum Bunrong, director of press division of the Foreign Ministry in Phnom Penh.

“We are a poor country, we need foreign experts to develop the country. How can you charge us about Vietnamization when we employ Vietnamese personnel because they are the obvious choice,” he said in a recent interview.

At Niek Luang ferry crossing, 50 kilometers southeast of Phnom Penh, hordes of Vietnamese money changers assailed visitors. Vietnamese children hawked cakes and soft drinks. “Look at the river banks. Those clusters of nipah huts.They are all new Vietnamese settlements,” said a resident of Niek Luang.

“It is very easy for the Vietnamese to stay here. They just come and register with the district office and they can put up their dwellings anywhere they like. There are Vietnamese officials working side by side with the Khmers in the district office,” he said.

At Bavet border crossing where national Highway One passes into Vietnam, a whole colony of Vietnamese huts had sprung up in the past two years. It is a smuggling haven where foreign cigarettes, liquor, beer, motorcycles, textiles and electronic goods from Singapore and Thailand are smuggled across open rice fields into Vietnam.

Thanh Minh Quanh, an ethnic Chinese trader from Cholon, Ho Chi Minh city, said he comes to PhnomPenh maybe twice a month, sometimes more frequent. He said life is very difficult in Vietnam. The best way for him to make money is to come to Phnom Penh and buy goods and smuggle them back to Vietnam. This way he can make $20-30 a month. It is better than holding a regular job in Ho Chi Minh City, he said.

“Ten thousand Vietnamese cross the border into Cambodia everyday, some going as far as Battambang and Sisophon, depending on the type of goods you are buying. The closer to the Thai border, the cheaper are some of the goods,” said Thanh.

He said the border is wide and easy to cross and the cheapest mode of transport is by boat up the Mekong River. No papers are required, the only hazard for an ethnic Chinese is to be stopped by Vietnamese border guards.

“When they know we are Chinese, they will detain us for a day or two and confiscate our goods or they take money from us and let us go. Still it is worth the risk to take,” the trader said.

When asked how the guards know he is an ethnic Chinese as it is impossible to differentiate him from Vietnamese, he said: “The guards are very sharp. By listening to our accent they can tell us apart. Of course, there are Chinese who speak Vietnamese like a native. They can get away without having to pay anything.”

“In Cambodia we face no problem at all. It is safe on the road. No need to worry about robbery or government troops. The soldiers don’t bother us. A packet of cigarettes will suffice to smoothen things. We just have to look out for thieves lurking in the cheap hotels or rest houses when we sleep,” he explained.

The Vietnamese are found in big numbers all over the prime areas of Cambodia such as Kompong Chanang on the Great Lake, the world’s richest fresh water fishing ground and Phnom Penh with its abundance of tax-free consumer goods. The most visible signs of the Vietnamese presence are in the dozen night clubs in Phnom Penh where comely Vietnamese women dance and solicit among the burgeoning nouveau-rich class.

Officially, there is curfew that begins at 9 pm but dancing goes on until midnight anyhow. Vietnamese domination over the less active Cambodians is best discerned in the clubs. While two years back Khmer women were the only one dancing with the men, today Vietnamese women have completely dominated the rich-picking of the nightclubs and the world’s oldest profession.

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The nation, May 14, 1996. Bangkok, Thailand: Teresa Teng a Kuomintang spy?

KimGooi Photojournalist

Teresa Teng a Kuomintang spy?
Special Report for The nation, May 14, 1996. Bangkok, Thailand
All photos by Kim Gooi

In a special report for The Nation, Kim Gooi in Chiang Mai pursues certain disturbing questions that have not been answered, a year after the mysterious death of internationally-acclaimed singer, Teresa Teng.

Teng’s death has drawn scores of investigative journalists to Chiang Mai, searching for a sensational clue to the possibility of foul play and murder. A popular source of information for all these investigations has been Yang Yi Shan, owner of a jade shop in Chiang Mai and a close confidant and friend of the deceased. Yang, who is from the peninsular Malaysian city of Ipoh, opened a successful jade and jewellery shop there – Teng’s love for jade and ruby drew her to Yang’s shop, and the famous singer became her best client and best friend.

Click this link to read more on the Special Report.

Mdm Yang and her husband in her jade shop

M Uzaki: standing right holding camera

Madam Yang Yi Shan

Highly skilled jade carver in Yang’s Chiang Mai shop

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Worth Their Weight In War

KimGooi Photojournalist                                                                 In the Pajau Hills with the Kachins Feb 1992

Worth Their Weight In War
First published in ‘The Nation Review’ Bangkok on August 26, 2002

“War determines life and death, the rise and fall of a state. It is therefore of vital importance that the art of war be studied with great care,” wrote Sun Tze about 2,500 years ago in his classic “The Art of War“.

Spies are very important, he emphasised, for their information or disinformation determines how a war should be conducted: “A commander should not be stingy in hiring spies and thereby prolong a war for years when information from spies might secure victory in a day.”

Among the five categories of spies Sun Tze mentions are “doomed spies”, whose purpose is to supply false information to the enemy and then be denounced by anonymous colleagues.

This calls to mind an incident in recent times.                                                  

                                                                       A day after the beheading the remaining spies spared were shown  to  journalists

On the afternoon of February 12, 1992, in the cold, barren hills of Pajau along the Sino-Burma border, 15 spies were executed by their fellow students of the All Burma Student Democratic Front (ABSD F) fighting to topple the Rangoon junta.

In front of the assembled students, the spies were made to dig their own graves and beheaded one by one. The blood-curdling event sent shockwaves far and wide; and was all the more shocking for having been committed by students! Its repercussions are still felt today, 10 years later.

An article condemning the perpetrators in the June issue of The Irrawaddy (a dissident Burmese magazine based in Chiang Mai), read: “The excesses of Burma’s military intelligence services are well known, but many observers question why Rangoon would send such a large number of spies to one place. A more likely theory is that the executions were a result of a power struggle within the ABSDF.”

Former ABSDF chairman Dr Naing Aung’s study at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government later this year has been deferred indefinitely after the university learned of his alleged role in the executions from protest letters sent by human rights activists and professed victims of the ABSDF’s crimes, the article said.

I arrived in the Pajau hills a day after the executions, after an arduous journey through the mountains of Yunnan province, and interviewed the students.

Doomed spies in the Pajau Hills, Sino-Burmese border Feb 1992

This was the story they told me: The first group of 200 Burmese students arrived in Pajau, Kachin State, at the end of September 1988. About 80 more came in November. Altogether, at the height of the student exodus there were about 800 students of both sexes based at the Kachin headquarters. Fifty found life too tough and returned home, said Aung Naing, the chairman of ABSDF (North). Eighty other students died in the battlefield, fighting the army of the Rangoon military junta. Some died of sickness.

The 401 ABSDF Battalion under Sai Than Lwin, Wein Thein and L Zau Naw in northern Shan State surrendered to Rangoon in December 1900. All the student leaders were spies. According to the ABSDF chairman, the students were 600 strong (in February 1992), divided into 7 branches in northern Burma, with 80 of them then in Pajau camp, and another 80 at the frontline.

They had begun receiving military training from the Kachin Independent Army (KIA), an ethnic group fighting for independence from Rangoon, in December 1988. The ABSDF army was under the command of Major Than Chaung, who later lost his left eye and right hand in December 1990 fighting Rangoon’s forces.

Suspicion that spies had infiltrated the camp was first aroused in April 1990 when one student was found and arrested with maps and a ciphered message. Before he could be interrogated, he feigned sickness. At the camp hospital he was given poison and died before he could talk.

Prior to this Rangoon scored its first espionage victory when they sent Than Tun Soe, 30, (of the National Intelligence Bureau) to infiltrate the ABSDF in Pajau in May 1989 together with a woman spy. “He told us he knew many students in Rangoon, so to please let him go back and organise the students,” Aung Naing told me.

“We gave him two video tapes which he took to Rangoon and gave to Aung San Suu Kyi. He went in June 1989 and came back to Pajau in July and left again for Rangoon. We were surprised at the ease he could travel back and forth. We thought he had great ability.”

On July 20, 1989 Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested by Rangoon and charged with collaborating with insurgents and rebels. The two ABSDF videotapes were produced as irrefutable evidence. At the same time Rangoon’s master spy, first secretary General Khin Nyunt, said over the radio that Than Thn Soe had been arrested.

The ABSDF only became aware that Pajau was heavily infiltrated with spies around July 1991. Some of the student leaders had been lead-poisoned. The spies were hoping to kill them slowly so that no one would suspect they had been poisoned.

“The first spy to be arrested was Soe Min Aung, an army man from Mandalay. He escaped and we caught him again at the Chinese border town of Rueli in August 1991,” Aung Naing said.

A sinister plot to assassinate Kachin leaders and student leaders was uncovered in the nick of time on August 6, 1991, two days before the “8888” (August 8, 1988 democracy uprising in Rangoon) celebrations. Explosives and guns were uncovered in the spies’ huts. On the same day Chinese security police arrested 10 Burmese spies, armed with rifles, pistols and explosives in Ying Jiang, across the border in China.

After the spy ring was exposed, 80 spies were rounded up from August to November, including three women and the former ABSDF chairman Tun Aung Gyaw. Nine of the 19 ABSDF central committee members turned out to be spies. Kachin intelligence agents must have played a role in exposing the nest of vipers. And the KIA paid a high price for welcoming the hordes of students into their headquarters in Pajau after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising in Rangoon. Soon after, Pajau was overrun and captured by Burmese government troops.

Insiders said that after the arrival of the students, every enemy artillery shell hit Pajau with pinpoint accuracy.

When I visited the Kachin HQ in 1992 it was an entirely new base, right on the border with half the camp in Chinese territory, to avoid further attacks from Rangoon forces. They still called it Pajau to give the illusion that they had not lost their capital. It was a big setback to the war-like Kachins, reputed to have the best-disciplined guerrilla army in Burma. It was a blow from which they never recovered and led to their giving up and signing a “peace treaty” with Rangoon soon after.

On the afternoon of February 12, 1992, 15 spies were beheaded in front of the assembled students.

“We cannot pardon them because their crimes were too serious and they have done us severe damage. There are specific international rules in war. We will set free POWs but not spies. This is an international practice,” argued Aung Naing.

“Their aim is to finish off the Kachins and ABSDF before 1993,” Aung Naing said.

Today, Rangoon has finished off not only the Kachins and ABSDF in the north, but the rest of the insurgent armies fighting for independence from Burmese brutality and oppressive rule. Notably spectacular were the capture of the Mannerplaw Karen HQ and the capitulation of Khun Sa’s Shan armies at the Thai border, two of the biggest insurgent armies in Burma.

For the first time in half a century Rangoon could control the whole country, thanks to its generous use of spies, made possible when thousands of students fled Rangoon to insurgent areas after the 8888 pro democracy massacre.
Two and a half millennia later the words of Sun Tze still ring true: “Only with good intelligence and the generous and clever employment of spies will success be assured.” Rangoon has certainly proved it so.

Related stories: How I got into Kachin Land   https://kimgooi.wordpress.com/2010/10/13/burmese-spies-and-into-kachin-land/#comment-150

Aung San Suu Kyi’s release from 1st house arrest   https://kimgooi.wordpress.com/2010/09/13/rebel-with-a-cause/

Author’s note: 
News of the beheading by Burmese students was despatched by Deutsch Presse Agentur (dpa) as an exclusive right after the event in 1992 and a feature version appeared as cover story in ‘Dateline Bangkok’. Ten  years after in 2002, the Nation Review published ‘Worth their weight in War’.

Unknown to many, beheading was not that uncommon in Burma. During the 888 (August 8, 1988) Pro Democracy uprising in Rangoon, some western journalists and photographers managed to fly into Rangoon by using fake visas made by skilled rubber-stamp shops in Bangkok. Time magazine photographer, Sandro Tucci whom I often worked with, showed me a series of gruesome human heads arranged neatly in the street admidst saffron-robed monks and huge crowd of demontrators.

 “Unfortunately Time magazine cannot use these photos because it’s too shocking!”  said Tucci. “The demonstrators caught these spies red-handed poisoning the drinking water and several demonstrators fell dead. The ‘people’s court’ presided by a senior monk passed the death sentence and the government spies were beheaded right in the street where they were apprehended,” Tucci recounted with a shiver.

 This was another example of the ‘doomed spies’ used by the Burmese military junta.  Taking the horror of the beheading as an excuse the military opened fire and bayonet charged into the massive crowd. Thousands were mowed down in the streets of  Rangoon on Aug 8, 1988.

The cruelty, cunning and atrocities of the Burmese military is legendary especially  among the victimised ethnic minorites, like the Karens, Shans and Kachins who constitute the three biggest rebellions among a dozen other small ethnic groups fighting for autonomy. Right after General Ne Win took power in 1962, Shan Princes, traditional rulers of Shan State’s municipaliies, were invited by the military for talks and vanished. Until today their dead bodies had not been returned to the grieving families.   

It is almost unknown for a country to demonetised its currency. It happend in Burma in 1988. Among the misrule, plundering and humanrights violations, demonetizing the biggest denomination kyat notes was the final spark that caused the massive pro democracy uprising in August that year. Overnight people who had worked and saved for years keeping the high denomination notes lost everything.

The 888 uprising saw the emergence of Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma’s most famous pro democracy icon [see Rebel with a cause].She spent 15 of the past 22 years under house arrest. She was released in November 2010 by president Thein Sein who took power in March 2010. A retired general who became president after a sham military directed elections where the main opposition was barred from participating.

On January 13, 2012 the President released 651 political prisoners under an amnesty of the new government. 27,000 convicts were also freed since last May. The new President had also initiated discussion about legalising trade unions and loosening censorship, reported ‘The Irrawaddy’ Burmese news portal based in Chiang Mai. It said the government had also signed a peace treaty with the Karen National Union who had been fighting for autonomy for over 60 years. However, this was immediately denied by ‘The Karen News’ of the rebels.

Meanwhile heavy fighting is raging in Kachin State in the north, despite the president calling for a ceasefire. The Irrawaddy reported on January 12, a government helicopter ferrying troops to attack Kachins was forced down by Kachin ground troops. Like the rebels would say, “We cannot trust the Burmans, they say one thing and do another!”

With these developments, especially Aung San Suu Kyi participation in the coming by- election in April, is Burma on it’s way to genuine democratic reforms and ending oppressions of ethnic minorities? Or is it ‘old wine in new bottle’ out to hook-wink the world again. For a start Rangoon must allow independent observers and the world press into the country.

Burma is often potrayed as a tranquil land steeped in Buddhism. To understand the country, I would say George Orwells’s book “Burmese Days” explains best the cultural complexities and psyche of the majority native Burmans.                                                      

Burmese student leaders in the Pajau hills, February 1992                photos by Kim Gooi


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